Last Political Testament
Last Political Testament
More than thirty years have passed since 1914 when I made my modest contribution as a
volunteer in the First World War, which was forced upon the Reich.
In these three decades love and loyalty to my people have guided all my thoughts, actions
and my life. They gave me the strength to make the most difficult decisions ever to confront
mortal man. In these three decades I have spent my strength and my health.
It is untrue that I or anyone else in Germany wanted war in 1939. It was wanted and
provoked solely by international statesmen either of Jewish origin or working for Jewish
interests. I have made too many offers for the limitation and control of armaments, which
posterity will not be cowardly enough always to disregard, for responsibility for the
outbreak of this war to be placed on me. Nor have I ever wished that, after the appalling
First World War, there would ever be a second against either England or America. Centuries
will go by, but from the ruins of our towns and monuments the hatred of those ultimately
responsible will always grow anew against the people whom we have to thank for all this —
international Jewry and its henchmen.
Only three days before the outbreak of the German-Polish war I proposed a solution of the
German-Polish problem to the British Ambassador in Berlin— international control as in the
case of the Saar. This offer, too, cannot be lied away. It was only rejected because the ruling
clique in England wanted war, partly for commercial reasons and partly because it was
influenced by the propaganda put out by international Jewry.
I have left no one in doubt that if the people of Europe are once more treated as mere
blocks of shares in the hands of these international money and finance conspirators, then
the sole responsibility for the massacre must be borne by the true culprits— the Jews. Nor
have I left anyone in doubt that this time millions of European children of Aryan descent will
not starve to death, millions of men die in battle, and hundreds of thousands of women and
children be burned or bombed to death in our cities without the true culprits being held to
account, albeit more humanely.
After six years of war which, despite all setbacks, will one day go down in history as the
most glorious and heroic manifestation of the struggle for existence of a nation, I cannot
abandon the city which is the capital of this Reich. Since our forces are too meager to
withstand the enemy's attack and since our resistance is being debased by creatures who
are as blind as they are lacking in character, I wish to share my fate with that which millions
of others have also taken upon themselves by remaining in this city. Further, I shall not fall
into the hands of the enemy who requires a new spectacle, presented by the Jews, for the
diversion of the hysterical masses.
I have therefore decided to stay in Berlin and there to choose death voluntarily when I
determine that the position of the Fuhrer and the Chancellery itself can no longer be
maintained. I die with a joyful heart in the knowledge of the immeasurable deeds and
achievements of our peasants and workers and of a contribution unique in the history of our
youth which bears my name.
That I am deeply grateful to them all is as self-evident as is my wish that they do not
abandon the struggle but that, no matter where, they continue to fight the enemies of the
Fatherland, faithful to the ideals of the great Clausewitz. Through the sacrifices of our
soldiers and my own fellowship with them unto death, a seed has been sown in German
history that will one day grow to usher in the glorious rebirth of the National Socialist
movement in a truly united nation.
Many of our bravest men and women have sworn to bind their lives to mine to the end. I
have begged, and finally ordered, them not to do so but to play their part in the further
struggle of the nation. I ask the leaders of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force to
strengthen the National Socialist spirit of resistance of our soldiers by all possible means,
with special emphasis on the fact that I myself, as the founder and creator of this
movement, prefer death to cowardly resignation or even to capitulation.
May it become a point of honor of future German army officers, as it is already in our Navy,
that the surrender of a district or town is out of the question and that, above everything
else, the commanders must set a shining example of faithful devotion to duty unto death.
Before my death, I expel former Reichs-Marshal Hermann Goring from the party and
withdraw from him all the rights that were conferred upon him by the decree of 29 June,
1941 and by my Reichstag statement of 1 September, 1939. In his place I appoint Admiral
Donitz as President of the Reich and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces.
Before my death, I expel the former Reichsfuhrer of the S.S. and the Minister of the Interior
Heinrich Himmler from the party and from all his state offices. In his place I appoint
Gauleiter Karl Hanke as Reichsfuhrer of the S.S. and Head of the German Police, and
Gauleiter Paul Giesler as Minister of the Interior.
Apart altogether from their disloyalty to me, Goring and Himmler have brought irreparable
shame on the whole nation by secretly negotiating with my enemy without my knowledge
and against my will, and also by attempting illegally to seize control of the State.
In order to provide the German people with a government of honorable men who will fulfill
the task of continuing the war with all the means at their disposal, I, as Fuhrer of the nation,
appoint the following members of the new cabinet:
President of the Reich— Donitz; Chancellor of the Reich— Dr Goebbels; Party Minister—
Bormann; Foreign Minister— Seyss-lnquart; Minister of the Interior— Gauleiter Giesler;
Minister of War— Donitz; Supreme Commander of the Army— Schorner; Supreme
Commander of the Navy— Donitz; Supreme Commander of the Air Force— Greim;
Reichsfuhrer of the S.S. and Head of the German Police— Gauleiter Hanke; Trade— Funk;
Agriculture— Backe; Justice— Thierack; Culture— Dr Scheel; Propaganda— Dr Naumann;
Finance— Schwerin-Crossigk; Labor— Dr Hupfauer; Munitions— Saur; Leader of the German
Labor Front and Minister without Portfolio— Dr Ley.
Although a number of these men, including Martin Bormann, Dr Goebbels and others
together with their wives have joined me of their own free will, not wishing to leave the
capital under any circumstances and prepared to die with me, I implore them to grant my
request that they place the welfare of the nation above their own feelings. By their work
and loyal companionship they will remain as close to me after my death as I hope my spirit
will continue to dwell among them and accompany them always. Let them be severe but
never unjust and let them never, above all, allow fear to preside over their actions, placing
the honor of the nation above everything that exists on earth. May they, finally, always
remember that our task, the consolidation of a National Socialist state, represents the work
of centuries to come, so that every individual must subordinate his own interest to the
common good. I ask of all Germans, of all National Socialists, men and women and all
soldiers of the Wehrmacht, that they remain faithful and obedient unto death to the new
government and its President.
Above all, I enjoin the government and the people to uphold the race laws to the limit and
to resist mercilessly the poisoner of all nations, international Jewry.
Berlin, 29 April, 1945, 4 a.m.
Witnesses— Dr Joseph Goebbels, Wilhelm Burgdorf, Martin Bormann, Hans Krebs